How Black Lives Matter is forcing the governments of the so called ‘civilised world’ to acknowledge their real histories in Namibia, Tulsa USA and Rwanda
In May 2021 the German government recognised and apologised for the genocide committed by its forces from 1904-08, headed by Lieutenant General Lothar von Trotha over the Herero, Namaqua and San peoples of Namibia.
In June 2021 the US President Joe Biden recognised and apologised for the massacre of 150-300 Blacks (figures 2001 commission) with 800 injured 183 seriously, with over 100,000 forced to flee from Tulsa 31st May to 1st June 1921.
In May 2021 French President Emmanuel Macron asked for forgiveness for the part that France played in supporting the Rwandan genocide of 800,000 Tutsis in 1994.
All of these apologies should be taken with a pinch of salt, the Black Lives Matter Movement has dragged them whinging and resisting to the table; the German, French and American government apologies are crocodile tears they are not from the heart.
However, on the plus side the general public now know about two brutal pieces of ‘genuine history’ that is not written down in the ruling class driven history books.
As with many recent revelations caused by our new updated public racial awareness, we are appalled, and ask too often:
“how can it be possible we did not know”.
My advice is be wary of history books – they are usually written by propagandists for the winners, the ruling classes, the warmongers, the racists and the despots. They promote only their own coveted place in history, their ego’s and their self-righteousness in eyes of their gods – they are fiction with a loose few facts thrown in, burn them.
The German apologies did not mention compensation (as they also did in 2004) or giving land back, instead they have agreed to pay €1.1bn, over 30 years, to fund projects in communities that were impacted by the genocide, in the same week when Europe found 750 billion Euro’s in their back pockets to instantly use to recover from Coronavirus.
The German proposals are disingenuous, late (only in place because of the wider Black Lives Matter movement), nowhere near enough, will only drip feed corruption and I suspect the decimated Herero and Namaqua populations will not benefit in any way.
There is no mention of genuine compensation other than compensating the survivors (Race Reparations Bill – Tulsa 21/05/2021 Congress) – there are only 3 known survivors all over 100 years of age.
The Tulsa Reparations Coalition, sponsored by the Centre for Racial Justice gave far sweeping conclusions in their 200 page report of 2001 (20 years ago), nothing happened, they also only refer to this event as a ‘Race Riot’ not a ‘Race Massacre’, appeasing the fake history.
Joe Biden has and always will be a hawk warmonger (God help us with him and Starmer in charge of our social consciences). Biden’s fake empathy though annoying is a starting point, we must grasp this and force forward real reparation, because as of yet I hear no talk of building a new vibrant ‘Black Wall Street’ on a par with what this massacre destroyed.
The French President Macron was begrudgingly cowed when asking for forgiveness of the French. He needed to show Africa that the French colonial attitude had changed as he was in Africa on a business trip to sell arms amongst other things. His reconciliation speech suffered from selective amnesia regarding French support for the Hutus, his ruling class attitude bore all the hallmarks of a man with a serious superiority complex.
No mention of compensation here, but for the first time, a French president has explicitly acknowledged that genocide took place in Rwanda. However France’s strategic apology bears no evidence of sincere guilt.
Namibia Genocide 1904-1908
The Herero and Namaqua Genocide or the Herero and Nama Genocide was the first genocide of the 20th century, waged by the German Empire against the Herero (Ovaherero), the Nama, and the San in German South West Africa (now Namibia). It occurred between 1904 and 1908.
The reason Germany selected Namibia as its ‘protectorate’ was influenced by the fact that a tobacco merchant from Bremen, Franz Luderitz, bought up coastal land in the area in 1882. This resulted in Germany actively establishing itself in the African country by 1884. They occupied Herero lands.
Initially the Herero accepted the ‘treaties of protection’, but the Nama people resisted. In 1888 the Germans confiscated Herero lands and large numbers of their cattle. The aim was to turn South West Africa into a settler colony. In 1890 German soldiers attacked the Nama and by 1892, despite efforts by the Nama and Herero to put up a united front, they were crushed.
By the beginning of the twentieth century African resistance become the central theme under local leaders. German forces were still occupied in crushing the 1903 Bondelswarts Uprising and were hard pressed when the Herero rose in revolt in 1904. Once reinforcements arrived with superior guns German troops defeated them.
The new German commander-in-chief, General Lothar von Trotha, ordered the extermination of all Herero people. Pursued by German troops they fled into the desert, into northern Ovamboland and into eastern Bechuanaland, or Botswana. While the German troops were destroying the Herero, the Portuguese launched a new offensive against the northern Ovambo.
In 1905 the Nama, responded with a band of guerrilla fighters. After a year of fierce fighting, national heroes tribal chief Hendrik Witbooi was killed in action but Jacob Marengo (known as the Black Napoleon) continued to lead the Nama resistance for a further two years. In 1907, the death of Marengo brought about the end of the war of resistance. Many of the surviving Nama and Herero were imprisoned or sent to labour camps.
All the remaining Herero lands were confiscated and they were forbidden to keep cattle. Thereafter German policy altered to one of forcing the survivors into the workforce in order to develop the colony.
Between 24,000 and 100,000 Hereros, 10,000 Nama and an unknown number of San died in the genocide.
The first phase of the genocide was characterised by widespread death from starvation and dehydration, due to the prevention of the Herero from leaving the Namib desert by German forces. Once defeated, thousands of Hereros and Namas were imprisoned in concentration camps, where the majority died of diseases, abuse, and exhaustion.
A court case was taken up 2019 in the USA (Biden land) by indigenous Ovaherero and Nama and descendants of their estimated 100,000 people who were systematically killed by colonising Germans failed to secure a ruling.
Ruben Carranza, senior expert on reparations for the International Center for Transitional Justice, noted that U.S. courts have become a resource for survivors of dictatorships, war criminals and genocides.
“Victims can of course file cases in their own country’s courts – but those courts cannot reach assets in the U.S. or elsewhere and will not have the kind of political impact that a judgment in a country in which judges have a relative degree of independence and enforcement power can exercise.”Carranza said in an email
The murders were “terrible not only because so many people died, but also on top of that because they could not bury the dead, not give them the honour of being buried,” she said. Katharina von Hammerstein emphasised that the remains of ancestors should be returned to the Ovaherero and Nama people regardless of what happens with financial reparations.For Victims of a Little-Known Genocide, a Long Journey to Justice in Genocide Watch article by Amanda Ottaway March 21st 2019
“There is no ‘best way,’” Ruben Carranza said. “Rather, there is the possibility of enlisting domestic (in this case, German) support from political leaders and German citizens in order to put pressure on a more justice-oriented German government to legislate reparations.”
We must remember that in spite of the 2004 agreement in Germany the German government did not send the last batch of skulls and other remains of slaughtered tribesmen (which were taken to Germany to promote racial superiority) back to Namibia until 2018.
Tulsa Race Massacre May/June 1921
The Tulsa Race Massacre occurred in a broader context of racist violence and oppression stemming from slavery, which continues to impact Black people in the United States today. But the story that still remains untold here is that of envy, greed and disbelief in the White racist community that Black people could make a better job of business, manufacturing, and development than the White’s and did not need them to do survive.
Like all jealous racist mobs (none of them were ever prosecuted), they resolved the problem by killing the Blacks and burning their business community known as the ‘Black Wall Street’ to the ground, ransacking and looting the property’s killing between 150-300 inhabitants (no one has a precise figure) and driving over 10,000 people from the area. This was the destruction that left hundreds of people, most of them Black, dead and more than 1,256 black-owned houses burned in Tulsa’s Greenwood neighbourhood.
In the aftermath of the massacre, state and federal policymakers and the private sector were quick to describe the events as a ‘race riot’, which enabled them to avoid responsibility to help rebuild the district. Indeed calling the massacre a ‘riot’ was likely the pretext that insurance companies used to avoid paying out the compensation that property owners were otherwise due.
To this day the Tulsa area is still considered unsafe for a Black community to re-establish themselves in Greenwood. The new ‘Black Wall Street’ is developing in Atlanta the home of a wave of Black entrepreneurs.
Listening to Joe Biden’s cringingly fake emotion should be tempered with the fact that he was at least he was the first sitting president to visit the site so credit where credit is due, although the current political fight over voting rights was probably his real publicity target. Biden said:
“For much too long the history of what took place here was told in silence, cloaked in darkness. But just because history is silent it doesn’t mean that it did not take place and, while darkness can hide much, it erases nothing. Some injustices are so heinous, so horrific, so grievous, they can’t be buried, no matter how hard people try. So it is here: only with truth can come healing and justice and repair.”
It should be noted that knowledge of this violent attempt to suppress Black success in Greenwood, fell victim to a decades-long conspiracy of silence. The atrocity was not taught in schools, even in Tulsa, until the mid-2000s and was expunged from police records. Those who threatened to break to the taboo faced disapproval or death threats. Even many Black residents preferred not to burden their children with the story.
Rwanda Tutsi Genocide 1994
President Macron’s tree-day trip to Africa last month coincided with France’s continued military involvement in West Africa (Chad & Mali) and their support of despots.
However, doing business comes at a price and more than a few crocodile tears on – 27th May 2021 in Kigali, French President Emmanuel Macron has asked Rwandans to forgive France for its role in the 1994 Rwandan genocide in which about 800,000 ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus died.
Promises of changes to the way France behaved in Africa were made on Macrons visit in 2017 but were never kept, and his snub of the 25th Anniversary of the Rwandan genocide in 2019 left a bitter taste.
The times in which France and Rwanda were on the best of terms are long gone. There have been too many accusations since France sent its troops to Rwanda during the genocide. France had close ties to the old Habyarimana regime, led by the Hutu political elite of the time. Many of the main orchestrators of the genocide fled Rwanda to neighbouring Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo) by crossing French protection zones.
Near the end of the 100-day genocide, French troops were deployed to establish the Turquoise Zone, largely preventing further waves of genocide within the purported safe zone. In practice, the zone enabled many genocidal Hutus to safely escape to Zaire in advance of the victorious RPF soldiers. The facts related to the French role in the Rwandan genocide have formed the focus of ongoing debate, and diplomatic relations between France and Rwanda have frequently been strained since 1994.
For years relations between France and President Paul Kagame’s government have been cool at best and often kept to a minimum. The past two years have, however, seen a relaxation of tensions between the two countries.
French president Emmanuel Macron was invited to 2019’s 25-year genocide commemoration – a further sign of reconciliation. When Macron instead sent Herve Berville, a young French lawmaker of Rwandan descent who represents the country’s parliamentary friendship group for relations with Rwanda and Burundi, many people were appalled.
Rwanda’s foreign affairs minister, Olivier Nduhungirehe, however, denied relations had been further strained:
“It’s not a problem,” Nduhungirehe told DW. Berville had been a worthy representative of the French president. “The Franco-Rwandan relationship has experienced a fresh start on many levels. We will continue to work on improving the relationship. We’re especially focusing on a number of specific problems that still exist – but we’re working on those”.France and Rwanda: Re-examining France’s role in the genocide Deutsche Welle 22nd June 2019 by Philipp Sandner
The Rwandan’s were kinder to the French and Macron than they deserve – In his speech this year at the Kigali memorial Macron went on to say:
“France had not heeded warnings of impending carnage and had for too long valued silence over examination of the truth”.“But France had not been an accomplice in the killings”, Mr Macron added.
He should have left that last bit out it’s patently not true – however as they say ‘business is business’.
The driving force behind these exposed events is the Black Lives Matter Movement they should keep fighting every day until all this evil behaviour is in the open and changes are made to our fake ruling class history books.